Industrial Revolution 6

1. 80% of the people belonged, to the working Classes by 1900. Workers in eastern Europe still
worked on the land, while those in western and central Europe worked in industries. The
. urbanworkingclasses were less unified and homogenous than the middle classes,as.economic
development and increased specialization expanded.the range.of skills, earnings, and
experiences ~ . Highly skilled artisans and unskil.led manual workers became less distinct.
Skilled, semiskilled, and unskilled workers developed divergent lifestyles and cultural values,
leading to class-consciousness and hierarchy within the working classes. Highly skilled
workers;,'making up 15% of the working classes, became a labor aristocracy, as they earned
two-thirds of the income of the bottom'of.the servant-keeping classes, but that was twice
as much as the earning of unskilled workers. Member of the aristocracy included construction
bosses, factory 'foremen, cabinetmakers, jewelers,and printers.
2. The labor aristocracy was constantly being rocked back and forth by individuals and groups
.coming and going. The upper working class adopted distinctive values and almost perfect
behavior. The labor aristocracy was strongly' committed to the 'family and economic improvement.
The families saved money regularly,·worriedabout their children's education,
and valued good housing. They were humble-people who shunned heavy drinking and sexual
permissiveness: Theywere'quick to find fault with,those below them. They had political
•. and.philosophical beliefs~ ' whether Christian and/or socialist. Beneath the labor aristocracy
. was.semiskilled and unskilled urban workers. Semiskilled workers like carpenters, bricklay-
. ers, and. pipe fitters were at the top financially while others were factory workers. Unskilled
, laborers were longshoremen, wagon,.driving teamsters, teenagers, and helpers. TheY'all had
real skills, performed valuable services, and were unorganized and -divided ... '; i' i:. _. t .
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3: . In Great Britain in 1911, one out bfseven etnployedpeoplewas a domestic servant. Most
. were women, with one out of every three girls between 15 and 20 being a domesti'c servant.
They had to'work hard, received little paYi had limited personal independence, and
were subject to sexual exploitation. They had to babysit, shop, took, and clea,". Rough
country girls with strong hands and few specialized skills were sought after. In the city, marriage
prospects were better, and it paid more than agricultural work.· Many women had to
join the sweating industries to support their household. They normally worked at home,
earned horrible wages, and lacked any job security.' Some did hand decorating while the
majority made clothing, espedallyafter the 'sewing machine was invented; These women
began to ·rival men and eventually. overtake them:j'n skill. ' . , .... ,
4. Drinking was the favorite ·Ieislire-time activitY'of working people. It\ vas a' sign of social di slocation
and' popular suffering, and mostly dragged miserable people even 10wer.·However,
heavy problem drinking declined in the late 1800s as it became less socially acceptable: This
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r. " was,in part due to the moral leadership of the upper working class. At the same time, drinkin'g
became more public and socials, as cafes and pubs became popular. Working-class politi
ical activities occurred in taverns and pubs. Social drinking in public places by married
couples became accepted and widespread. Modern spectator sports like racing and soccer,'
with many people gambling, overtook bullbaiting and cockfighting in popularity. Music halls
and vaudeville theaters were very popularthroughout Europe, Music hall audiences were
greatly mixed. Religion and Christian churches continued to provide working' people with solace
and meaning into the'1800s, though by the last two or three decades, there was a great
decline 'in church attendance and donations. Some scholars believe that this· reflected a.
general de.cline in faith ,and religious belief, while others.do not agree.; G:hristianity played an
increasingly diminishing role in the urban working classes. The construction of churches
failed to keepup.with the rapid growth of urban population, as the urban ·environment undermined,
popular religious impulses. Christian churches were seen~ as defending social order
and custom, making them political opponents to the workingclassesAn the United
States, there were many different churches that were not political or against social ·order.
Instead, the churches were often identified with an ethnic group rather than with a social
class.
1. By 1850,Iengthy courtship and me,rcenarymarriage were very uncommon among the working
class, replaced. by romantic love. Couples were more likely to come from different towns
and to be ~more nearly the same, age.: Economic considerations in marriage ,were· more importantto,
the middle classes after 1850. In ,France, dowries and legal marriage contracts
were common, and marriage was fol' man.y families a crucial financial transaction,. Thus,
;" many middle~c1ass men married late, when they were economically set,andthey married
,younger and less sexually experienced women. In the middle class,' mothers closely supervised
their daughters, while ,boys' were watched but-not as seriously. They had sexual expe:
rience with maids or prostitutes. An illegitimacy ,explosion occurred from 1750to 1850 due
to sexual experimentation. It was notseen as ,immoral andseen,as okay, In the se,condhalf
of the 1800s, more babies were born to married mothers, most likely due to the growth of
puritanism and: a ',~sser:',ingof sexual p.~nllissive~ess among the unmarried;,However, many
people had sex out of marriage and theo · ma~ried. unmarried people u~ed condQmsand diaphragms.
.I n the late 1800s, pregnaf;l,cyfor a youog singlewoman led increasingly to mar- , .
riage qnd the establishment., ora ~wo-parent household, .. ....
2 .. After 1850/most.wives~work became most·distinct than their husbands; Husbands were
wage earners in factories ar'1d offices, while'W.ives stayed home·and managed households
and cared for children., OnlY'in a few occupations did married couples live where they
worked. Factory employment for married women declined as the'practice of, hiring entire
families in the factory ended. With better economic conditions, most men expected married
women to work outside the home only in poor families. This practice became an ideal in labor,
causing ma~ried women to face great injusti,ce when they needed or wanted towork.
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, Husban~s were unsympathetic or hostile. Wo~en were forbidden from well~payingjobs,
. a~qa vyoman's wag~ was mostly,l~ss than a m~n's. . . ". ~
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3. Mar:ried women were subordinated to their husbands by law and lacked basic legal rights. A
wife in England had no legal identity and thus no right to own property in her-own name.
. The. wages she earned ,belonged to her husband. This had also occurred in the Napoleonic
Code in France. A strong feminist movement occurred,. starting with women such as Mary
Wollstonecraft. Organizations founded by middle-class feminists campaigned for equal legal
rights and access to higher edu~ation and professional employm~nt.These women believed
that unmarried wom.en and,middJe-:-class widows with poorjnco.me needed more opportunities
to support themselv,es. They recognized that paid work could relieve the borec!om and
Jack of m~aning that some, women had in their shelter:ed lifestyles. Their work pushed
through the 1882 law giving English married women full property r,ights. In the early 1910s,
, wpmensought.political action and women's suffrage, Socialist women leaders argued,that
the~iberation ,of working-class women would come only with the liberation of the entire
working class. As women became more tied to their homes,;they,became more tied to how
the family spent its money. The ~ife bought goods for he~ husba,nd and.also made all the
major domestic decisions. They ruled the home because,running the urban household was
. complic<;lted, demanding, and v~luable, Shopping,.s~ving money, economizing, cleaning, and
child rearing wer,e a full-time occupation. ,Women ctid not work outside the home'unless
they had to live. Wives also had to pamper their husband.s; ,Married couples developed .
stronger emotional ties to each other, as marriages were now based more on sentiment
and sexual attraCtion. French marriage manuals stressed the legitimacy of women's sexual
nee~s .
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4. . Mothers te,nded tp .Iove and have,concern for their babies. Because babies' died so' early,
women were ~fraid to become emotionally attached. Emotional bonding and a willingness
to make sacrifices for the welfare of the infant were beginning to spread among the comfortable
classes byJ.800, with ordinary mO.thers achieving this as the century progressed.
Mf?thers incre,asingly breast-fed their infants rather t~an payingwet nurses to do so. Mothers
had ,to, sacrific~ freedom to, s~ve lives. This maternal change led to many specialized
books on ~~ild rearing and infant hygiene. Fathers were seen as necessary. less illegitimate
babies were abandoned as foundlings after 1850 in France. Swaddling disappearance altogether.
Women also cared for older chi.ldren an~ adolescents, as European women began to
. • . .,. , " '. 1 ,' . ..
li.m.it t he ,num. ber of children they bore in order to care adequately fQr thQse they had. ,., " ~,.;' \ " .;. " . ...:'
Women, wanted smaller family size,S to imp,rove their economic and social position and that
~f their ~hildren. Child~en were not an economica'sset, as parents spent money,an their advantages.
Many parents probably b~came too concerned about their children, subjecting
them to heavy emotional pressure. This caused many children, and adolescents to feel
trapped arid 'desl're greater independence. Biological and medical the'ories at the same told '
' cause'dpare'nts to oeHeve'that their own emotional characteristiCs 'were' passed on t~ their
offspring and that they were directly responsible for any abrio'rrnalitiesi~ a'child. The' youth-
, ~ r . "\ '. , ' . "
ful sexual excess of the father could curse future generations. Masturbation was viewed as
evil, as it represented an act of independence and defiance. Diet, clothing, games, and
sleeping were regulated. Girls were discouraged from riding horse and bicycling because
they simulated masturbation. Between 1850 and 1880, there were surgical operations for
children who persisted in masturbating, with various restraining apparatuses becoming
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more popular up to:1905. Mother and child loved each other, but relations between father
and child were necessarily difficult and often tragic. The father was demanding, expecting
the childto succeed,where he had failed and making his love conditional on achievement.
Many sons hated their fathers and ,tried to kill them .
. . ~ ri",
5. Sigmund Freud observed that mental hysteria could occur due to-bitter early-childhood ex-
., periences wherein thethild :had been forced to repress strong feelings; When these experiences
were'recalled and reproduced under hypnosis or th'rough free will, the patient 'could
be brought to unde'rstand his or her unhappiness and deal with it. Hewas concerned with
the Oedipal tensions; resulting from the son's competition with the fatherfor the mother's
, love'and,affection.' He believed that human behavior is 'motivated by unconscious e'motional
needs whose natllre and origins are kept from conscious aWareness by defense mechan-
, , , ,isms. He concluded that much' unconscious psychological energy is sexual energy, Which is
repressed and controlled byratiorial thinking and"moral ruies. Unlike the middle class, 'who
economically depended on their families, working-Class boys and girls went to work when
, they reached adolescence, where they earned wages on their own and thus greater independence.
If they Were unsuccessful, they could leave home to live cheaply as' paying lodgers
in other' working-class home's. ;
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1. Young middle-class men had more sexual freedom, and that was silently accepted. Most of
the time, male sexual experience was encouraged. Women were prevented from having any
sexual experience unless they were married'. Women had to constantly be doing something
so as not to be tempted: ·For women wlio didn't·marry'young, they turned to prostitution.
2. This was due to social :morality. Men were supposed to have sexulaJ-'experience, as 'they
were considered the' dominant sex and needed the experience for when they received "a
wife. Women were m'ade to be dainty and ladylike to ilitrease thefr chances of being married
to a rich man. Women without sexual experience ,were much more praised bym~h.
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3. There was ~ basic underlying unitY in how society treated both the YQungmen and the
young 'women of the middle class. They were treated as compliments to each other, where
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men should have sexual experience while women shouldn't, where men should be the eco-
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nomic producer While women should manage the household.
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4. I agree th,at it was a bad tirnefor youth. This is du~ to society forcing each gender to' adhere
to a set of rules that they may not want to follow. Men may not want to have se~ with. prostituteS'ormaid
but rathergirls their same age. Girls sl'lQuld hav~ tli~ same amo'unt <;>f sex;ual
freedom as guys .arid be able to date.

Social 4

Because European cities were congested, dirty, unhealthy, infectious diseases spread quickly. People in cities
were more likely to die than in rural areas, and more people died in cities than were born but were able to holdtheir population by people emigrating from the countryside .. There was also pervasive poverty, no urban transportation,and lack of medical knowledge . The steam engine allowed industrialists to move away from streams and riversand to move to areas with better shipping facilities and better supplies of coal and raw materials, the cities ..There were many people to work in the factories as well as other factories for easy transportation of materials.. ,Populations increased up to tenfold during the nineteenth century in some areas .. In cities, every bit of land was putto use, with houses lined up next to each other and no parks or open areas. Many people lived in small, overcrowdedcellars or attics .. These were extremely unsanitary and unhealthy conditions. Open drains and sewers flowed alongside or down the middle of streets. Sewers often filled with garbage and excrement, and toilet facilities were very primitive. There filled up quickly, often overflowed, and seeped into dwellings. The smell of excrement in the air was horrid. By the 1840s, a city reform movement began. With more and more people and the lack of public transportation, people had to live in walking distance to shops and factories. The British government also was slow to provide sanitary facilities and establish adequate building codes. This problem manifested itself on the continent later. Housing also was no a high priority.
2. Edwin Chadwick was a famous reformer who was charged with the administration of relief to paupers under the Poor Law of 1834. He was a Benthamite, one who beliefs that public problems ought to be dealt with on a rational, scientific basis and according to the greatest good. He used this view to rationalize that disease and death caused poverty because a sick worker was unemployed and orphaned children were poor children. Also, he believed that disease could be prevented by cleaning up the urban environment. Chadwick's detailed reports from local Poor Law officials proved that disease was related to filthy environmental condition, which were caused by lack of drainage, sewers, and garbage collection. Chadwick believed that excrement of outhouses could be washed away by water through sewers at 5% the cost of removing it by hand. Iron pipes and tile drains, made cheap by industrialization, would be used for running water and sewerage for all of town. In 1848, with the help of the cholera epidemic of 1846, Great Britain adapted Chadwick's report, created a national health board, and gave cities great authority to build modern sanitary systems. The health movement gained support in the United States, France, and Germany after the 1840s, when government began to accept limited responsibility for the health of all citizens. By the 1860s and 1870s, European cities were making progress toward adequate water supplies and sewerage systems.
3. Early reformers were restricted by the miasmatic theory of disease, stating that people contracted disease when they breathe the odors of decay and excrement. It came from observing how removing filth improved health. However, in the 1840s and 1850s, doctors and health officials observed that bad drinking water was responsible for transmitting disease and that contagion was spread through filth and not caused by it. Louis Pasteur developed the germ theory of disease when he was studying fermentation in 1854. He discovered that fermentation depended on the growth of living organisms and that the activity of these organisms could be stopped by heating the beverage, or pasteurizing it. He realized that specific diseases were caused by germs and that those organisms could be controlled in people and in beer, wine, and milk. In the mid 1870s, German doctor Robert,Koch and his coworkers developed open pure cultures of harmful bacteria and described their life cycles. This caused, over the next twenty year, for researchers, mostly Germans, to identify the organisms responsible for diseases, leading to many vaccines . English surgeon Joseph Lister in 1865 connected aerial bacteria and wound infections together and reasoned that a chemical disinfect applied to a wound dressing would destroy the floating particles' life. In the 1880s, German surgeons developed the practice of sterilizing everything in the operating room.
4. Urban planning is when city developers build cities that aren't overcrowded, have bad housing, or lack transportation. After declining in the early 1800s, it was revived and enhancing after 1850. Napoleon III believed that rebuilding much of Paris would provide employment, improve living conditions, and show the power and glory of his empire. The baron Georges Haussmann bulldozed ,buildlng and opposition and transformed Paris. Paris in 1850 had narrow, dark streets and was greatly overcrowded:'There were slums and very high death rates. There were few open spaces, only two public parks, and very limited public transportation. Haussmann and his planners razed old buildings to cut broad, straight boulevards through the center of the city and in new quarters on the outskirts. It was done to prevent easy construction and defense of barricades by mobs. They destroyed slums and stimulated the construction of better housing. Small parks and open spaces were created, and two very large parks on the opposite sides of town were developed. The city improved its sewers and developed a system of aqueducts. The new boulevards beautified Paris and provided an example for Europe after 1870. Public authorities developed better water supply and waste disposal at the same time as boulevards. Some cities destroyed their old walled fortifications for boulevards and office buildings, town halls, theaters, opera houses, and museums. In the 1870s, many European
cities allowed horse-drawn streetcars to carry rides through streets. In the 1890s, they then adopted the
electric streetcar. They were cheaper, faster, more dependable, and more comfortable than horse-drawn ones, and carried 6.7 billion rides by 1910. Every person was using public transportation four times as often in 1910 as in 1886. The new boulevards and horse-drawn streetcars had encouraged the middle class to have better housing in the 1860s and 1870s, and after 1890, electric streetcars gave the middle class access to new, improved housing.
1. The real wages of British workers, which had risen by 1850, almost doubled from that to 1906, with the continent experiencing the same effect later. However, hardship and poverty were not eliminated, and the bottom 30% of households received 10% or less of all income. The richest 5% of all households in the population received 33% of all national income. There were lighter or nonexistent income taxes on the wealthy. The gap between the rich and poor remained the same, or got worse, during the Industrial Revolution. This was because industrial and urban development made society more diverse and less unified. Economic specialization made new social groups or subclasses.
2. In the upper middle class, there were successful business families from banking, industry, and large-scale commerce, benefited by modern industry and scientific progress. They became drawn toward the social prestige of the aristocratic lifestyle after 1848. The upper middle class purchased country places or built beach houses for weekend and summer use. The number of servants and private coaches and carriages was an important indicator of wealth and standing. The landed aristocracy mingled with the upper middle class and traded titles, country homes, and elegance for cash through marriages. Below the upper middle class were the much larger, less wealthy, and diversified middle-class groups. In the middle middle class, there were moderately successful industrialists and merchants as well as professionals in law and medicine. The lower middle class was made of independent shopkeepers, small traders, and tiny manufacturers.
3. After 1848, there was a growing demand for experts with specialized knowledge. These specialists became solid middle-class professions where engineers, architects, chemists, accountants, and surveyors excelled. They established criteria for advanced training and certification and banded together in organizations to promote and defend their interests. Management of large public and private institutions became a profession. The number of independent shopkeepers, small business people, and white-collar employees grew. Despite being paid the same as other skilled workers, white-collar workers were strongly committed to the middle class and moving up in society. Elementary school teachers, nurses, and dentists climbed the social ladder and received respectable middle-class status and income. Food was big in the middle class, as city life stopped from 12:30 to 2:30 for husbands and schoolchildren to have lunch. Meat was big, as an average family might spend 10% of its earning on meat and 25% of its income on food and drink. Dinner parties were a favored social occasion. Having a full-time maid was a great sign that a family was better than the working classes. Many prosperous families rented their homes and lived in apartments where servants could live on the top floor. The variety of clothing had expanded and was cheaper due to factories, sewing machines, and department stores. Education became more expensive as advanced education became more in demand. The middle classes also had a shared code of expected behavior and morality that punished people for crimes, drunkenness, and gambling and praised sexual purity and fidelity.

AP English - Culture Shock Prompt

Respond to the following AP prompt was taken from the 2003 exam. Focus on analyzing the
character and novel as insightfully and significantly as possible. Do not be overly concerned
with trying to write five paragraphs; it is more important to write four full and thoroughly
commented paragraphs. Be sure to include specific details, meaningful and thorough
commentary, and clear, focused topics for the body paragraphs. Your response needs to be
consistently meaningful and insightful.
Novels and plays often depict characters caught between colliding cultures -- national, regional,
ethnic, religious, institutional. Such collisions can call a character's sense of identity into
question. Select a novel or play in which a character responds to such a cultural collision. Then
write a well-organized essay in which you describe the character's response and explain its
relevance to the work as a whole.

To An Athlete Dying Young / Ex-Basketball Player

To An Athlete Dying Young
A.E. Housman

The time you won your town the race
We chaired you through the market-place;
Man and boy stood cheering by,
And home we brought you shoulder-high.

To-day, the road all runners come,
Shoulder-high we bring you home,
And set you at your threshold down,
Townsman of a stiller town.

Smart lad, to slip betimes away
From fields where glory does not stay
And early though the laurel grows
It withers quicker than the rose.

Eyes the shady night has shut
Cannot see the record cut,
And silence sounds no worse than cheers
After earth has stopped the ears;

Now you will not swell the rout
Of lads that wore their honours out,
Runners who renown outran
And the name died before the man.

So set, before its echoes fade,
The fleet foot on the sill of shade,
And hold to the low lintel up
The still-defended challenge-cup.

And round that early-laurelled head
Will flock to gaze the strengthless dead,
And find unwithered on its curls
The garland briefer than a girl’s.

Ex-Basketball Player
John Updike

Pearl Avenue runs past the high-school lot
Bends with the trolley tracks, and stops, cut off
Before it has a chance to go two blocks,
At Colonel McComsky Plaza. Berth’s Garage
Is on the corner facing west, and there,
Most days, you’ll find Flick Webb, who helps Berth out.

Flick stands tall among the idiot pumps –
Five on a side, the old bubble-head style,
Their rubber elbows hanging loose and low.
One’s nostrils are two S’s, and his eyes
An E and O. And one is squat, without
A head at all – more of a football type.

Once Flick played for the high-school team, the Wizards.
He was good: in fact, the best. In ‘46
He bucketed three hundred ninety points,
A county record still. The ball loved Flick.
I saw him rack up thirty-eight or forty
In one home game. His hands were like wild birds.

He never learned a trade, he just sells gas,
Checks oil, and changes flats. Once in a while,
As a gag, he dribbles an innertube,
But most of us remember anyway.
His hands are fine and nervous on the lug wrench.
It makes no difference to the lug wrench, though.

Off work, he hangs around Mae’s Luncheonette.
Grease-gray and kind of coiled, he plays pinball.
Smokes those thin cigars, nurses lemon phosphates.
Flick seldom says a word to Mae, just nods
Beyond her race toward bright applauding tiers
Of Necco Wafers, Nibs, and Juju Beads.

THE LOVE SONG OF J. ALFRED PRUFROCK

S’io credessi che mia risposta fosse
a persona che mai tornasse al mondo,
questa fiamma staria senza piu scosse.
Ma per cio che giammai di questo fondo
non toron vivo alcun, s’I’odo il vero,
senza tema d’infamia ti rospondo1.

Let us go then, you and I,
When the evening is spread out against the sky
Like a patient etherized upon a table;
Let us go, through certain half-deserted streets,
The muttering retreats
Of restless nights in one-night cheap hotels
And sawdust restaurants with oyster-shells:
Streets that follow like a tedious argument
Of insidious intent
To lead you to an overwhelming question…
Oh, do not ask, “What is it?”
Let us go and make our visit.

In the room the women come and go
Talking of Michelangelo.

The yellow fog that rubs its back upon the window-panes,
The yellow smoke that rubs its muzzle on the window-panes,
Licked its tongue into the corners of the evening
Lingered upon the pools that stand in drains,
Let fall upon its back the soot that falls from chimneys,
Slipped by the terrace, made a sudden leap,
And seeing that it was a soft October night,
Curled once about the house, and fell asleep.

And indeed there will be time
For the yellow smoke that slides along the street
Rubbing its back upon the window-panes;
There will be time, there will be time
To prepare a face to meet the faces that you meet;
There will be time to murder and create,
And time for all the works and days of hands
That lift and drop a question on your plate,
Time for you and time for me,
______________________
1 From Dante, Inferno, XXVII, 61-66. The speaker is Guido da Montefeltro, who is imprisoned in a flame in the level of Hell reserved for false counselors. He tells Dante and Virgil, “If I thought my answer were given to one who might return to the world, this flame would stay without further movement. But since from this depth none has ever returned alive, if what I hear is true, I answer you without fear of infamy.”
And time yet for a hundred indecisions,
And for a hundred visions and revisions,
Before the taking of a toast and tea.

In the room the women come and go
Talking of Michelangelo.

And indeed there will be time
To wonder, “Do I dare?” and, “Do I dare?”
Time to turn back and descend the stair,
With a bald spot in the middle of my hair—
(They will say: “How his hair is growing thin!)
My morning coat, my collar mounting firmly to the chin,
My necktie rich and modest, but asserted by a simple pin –
(They will say: “But how his arms and legs are thin!)
Do I dare?
Disturb the universe?
In a minute there is time
For decisions and revisions which a minute will reverse.

For I have known them all already, known them all—
Have known the evenings, mornings, afternoons,
I have measured out my life with coffee spoons;
I know the voices dying with a dying fall
Beneath the music from a farther room.
So how should I presume?

And I have known the eyes already, known them all—
The eyes that fix you in a formulated phrase,
And when I am formulated, sprawling on a pin,
When I am pinned and wriggling on the wall,
The how should I begin
To spit out all the butt-ends of my days and ways?
And how should I presume?

And I have known the arms already, known them all—
Arms that are braceleted and white and bare
(But in the lamplight, downed with light brown hair!)
Is it perfume from a dress
That makes me so digress?
Arms that lie along a table, or wrap about a shawl.
And should I then presume?
And how should I begin?

Shall I say, I have gone at dusk through narrow streets
And watched the smoke that rises from the pipes
Of lonely men in shirt-sleeves, leaning out of windows?...

I should have been a pair of ragged claws
Scuttling across the floors of silent seas…
And the afternoon, the evening, sleeps so peacefully!
Smoothed by long fingers,
Asleep…tired…or it malingers,
Stretched on the floor, here beside you and me.
Should I, after tea and cakes and ices,
Have the strength to force the moment to its crisis?
But though I have wept and fasted, wept and prayed,
Thought I have seem my head (grown slightly bald) brought in upon a platter2,
I am no prophet –and here’s no great matter;
I have seen the moment of my greatness flicker,
And I have seen the eternal Footman hold my coat, and snicker,
And in short, I was afraid.

And would it have been worth it, after all,
After the cups, the marmalade, the tea,
Among the porcelain, among some talk of you and me,
Would it have been worth while,
To have bitten off the matter with a smile,
To have squeezed the universe into a ball
To roll it towards some overwhelming question,
To say: “I am Lazarus, come from the dead,
Come back to tell you all, I shall tell you all”—
If one, settling a pillow by her head,
Should say: “That is not what I meant at all.
That is not it, at all.”

And would it have been worth it, after all,
Would it have been worth while,
After the sunsets and the dooryards and the sprinkled streets,
After the novels, after the teacups, after the skirts that trail along
the floor—
And this, and so much more? –
It is impossible to say just what I mean!
But as if a magic lantern threw the nerves in patterns on a screen:
Would it have been worth while
If one, settling a pillow or throwing off a shawl,
And turning toward the window, should say:
“That is not it at all,
That is not what I meant, at all.”
_______________________
2 Like the head of John the Baptist

No! I am not Prince Hamlet, nor was meant to be;
Am an attendant lord, one that will do
To swell a progress, start a scene or two,
Advise the prince; no doubt, an easy tool,
Deferential, glad to be of use,
Politic, cautious, and meticulous;
Full of high sentence, but a bit obtuse;
At times, indeed, almost ridiculous –
Almost, at times, the Fool.

I grow old…I grow old…
I shall wear the bottom of my trousers rolled.

Shall I part my hair behind? Do I dare to eat a peach?
I shall wear white flannel trousers, and walk upon the beach.
I have heard the mermaids singing, each to each.

I do not think that they will sing to me.

I have seen them riding seaward on the waves
Combing the white hair of the waves blown back
When the wind blows the water white and black.

We have lingered in the chambers of the sea
By sea-girls wreathed with seaweed red and brown
Till human voices wake us, and we drown.
T.S. Eliot, 1917

Analysis Questions
1. This poem may be understood as a stream of consciousness passing through the mind of Prufrock. The “you” and “I” of line 1 may be different aspects of his personality. Or perhaps the “you and I” is parallel to Guido who speaks the epigraph and Dante to whom he tells the story that resulted in his damnation –hence, “you” is the reader and “I” is Prufrock. The poem is disjointed because it proceeds by psychological rather than lofical stages. To what social class does Prufrock belong? How does Prufrock respong to the attitudes and values of his class? Does he change in the course of the poem?

2. Line 92 provides a good example of literary allusion (see the last stanza of Marvel’s “To His Coy Mistress,”). How does an awareness of the allusion contribute to the reader’s response to the stanza here?

3.That night the songs of the mermaid (1. 124) signify, and why does Prufrock think that they will not sing to him (1. 125)?

4. T.S. Eliot once said that some poetry “can communicate without being understood.” Is this such a poem?

People and Places in Part One of Pride and Prejudice

In Hertfordshire

I. Longbourne
(twenty-four miles from London)

Mr. Bennet=Mrs. Bennet

Jane Elizabeth (Lizzy, Eliza) Mary Catherine (Kitty) Lydia
22 20 15

II. Meryton
(one mile from Longbourn)

Mr. Philips=Mrs. Philips (Mrs. Bennet’s sister)

The Militia (in temporary quarters)



III. Lucas Lodge

Sir William=Lady Lucas

Charlotte Maria Other Children
27


IV. Netherfield Park
(three miles from Longbourn)

(parentage not included)

Charles Bingley Luisa Bingley=Mr. Hurst Caroline Bingley
22

Glossary of Literary Terms

The Canterbury Tales:
1. Characterization—indirect & direct
2. Allusion
3. Imagery
4. Tone (variations)

The Prince:
5. Simile
6. Metaphor
7. Rhetorical Questions
8. Parallel Structure
9. Antithesis
10. Syntax
11. Diction
12. Repetition
13. Ethos/Pathos/Logos
14. Shift in perspective
15. Exaggeration
16. Generalization

Post Cold War 3 / Current

New Challenges in the Twenty-first Century

The Prospect of Population Decline
Population continues to grow rapidly in many poor countries but not so in industrialized nations. In 2000, women in developed countries had 1.6 children on average, with the United States having 2.1 children per woman, Italy 1.2, Spain, Germany, and Russia slightly higher, and France, Poland, and Britain 1.6. Europe's population would decline and age, with the number of people of working age dropping by a third and almost half of the population being over sixty. Social security taxes will need to be greatly raised to provide pensions and health care for seniors. The population decline is due to high unemployment rates on young people and women’s rejection of motherhood and parenting. By 2000, 30% of German women born in 1965 were childless, whereas 90% would have had children in earlier generations. The main reason is that careers and the quest for gender equality lowered the birthrate. Many women postponed the birth of their first child into their thirties in order to finish their education and establish themselves in their careers. After the difficulties of the first child, moth-ers were more likely to postpone a second child or possibly forgo. By 2002, birthrates appeared to have stabilized, as opinion leaders, politicians, and the media started to press the case for more ba-bies and more support for families with children.

The Growth of Immigration
As western Europe’s population declined, migrants came in from Africa, Asia, and eastern Europe, with many legally and some illegally. Until 1973, western Europe drew heavily on North Africa and Turkey for manual laborers, as that was when unemployment stated to rise and governments stopped the inflow. Many foreign workers stayed and eventually brought their families over. The collapse of communism and the civil wars in Yugoslavia sent hundreds of thousands of refugees westward, with many other brutal conflicts increasing immigration. Illegal immigration into the European Union rose from 50,000 people in 1993 to 500,000 in 2003, compared to 300,000 unauthorized foreigners entering the United States each year. Many migrants applied for political asylum and refugee status but were denied. Illegal immigration soared because powerful criminal gangs smuggled people for big, low-risk profits. Russian-speaking gangs would smuggle humans across Russia, though the Balkans, and then land them on Italy, where they could travel to any member state of the United States by way of a 1998 rule. Many illegal immigrants were young women from eastern Europe, while some were kidnapped and forced to be prostitutes or worse. Many people did not like immigrants because they took jobs from the unemployed and undermined national unity. Immigration created ethnic conflicts, such as the French government’s decision to ban the wearing of headscarves by Muslim girls in public schools. Many people challenged the anti-immigrant campaign and its racist overtones by arguing that Europe needed newcomers to limit the impending population decline and provide valuable technical skills.

Promoting Human Rights
Because Europeans had a guilty conscience after limiting or expelling their foreigners, many intellec-tuals and opinion makers promoted domestic peace and human rights in those lands plagued by in-stability, violence, and oppression. European leaders and humanitarians believed it was their mission to require more global agreements and new international institutions to set moral standards and to regulate countries, political leaders, armies, corporations, and individuals. American leaders stressed the perseveration of U.S. freedom of action in world affairs, especially after George W. Bush was elected president in 2000. To stop civil wars and to prevent tyrannical governments from slaughtering their own people, the European Union joined with the United States to stop the killing in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Macedonia and to protect the rights of minorities. The European Union supported U.N.-sponsored conferences and treaties to verify the compliance of anti-germ warfare conventions, outlaw land mines, and establish a new international court to prosecute war criminals. When the death penalty was abolished in the European Union, Europeans condemned its continued use in other countries as inhumane and uncivilized. Rights for Europeans in their personal relations continued to expand, as well as other progressive laws in the Netherlands. Western Europeans pushed to extend their concept of social and economic rights to the world’s poor countries. Moderate social democrats in Europe often combined with human rights campaigners in 2001 to help African governments secure price cuts from the big international drug companies on the drugs needs to combat Africa’s AIDS crisis.

The al-Qaeda Attack of September 11, 2001
On September 11, 2001, two hijacked passenger planes from Boston crashed into and destroyed the World Trade Center towers in New York City, with a third plane crashing into the Pentagon and a fourth, possibly en route to the White House or the U.S. Capitol, crashing into a field in rural Pennsyl-vania. These attacks killed more than three thousand people from many countries and put the per-sonal safety of ordinary citizens at a high priority in the West. The United States, led by President George W. Bush, launched a military campaign to destroy Osama bin Laden’s al-Qaeda network of terrorists and Afghanistan’s reactionary Muslim government, the Taliban. Using the world’s sympathy and a broad international coalition that included western Europe, Russia, and Pakistan, the United States joined with the faltering Northern Alliance in Afghanistan, and by mid-October 2001, American special forces on the ground were directing air strikes that devastates Taliban and al-Qaeda troops, allowing for the Northern Alliance to take the offensive. In mid-November, the Taliban collapse, and Afghan opposition leaders and United Nations mediators worked out plans for a new broad-based government while American troops searched for bin Laden and his supporters. Terrorism dates back to the 1920s and peaked in the 1960s, when many nationalist movements used terrorism to achieve political independence and decolonization, as in Algeria, Cyprus, Ireland, Israel, and Yemen. The ter-rorists usually targeted police forces in order to break down colonial governments. In the Vietnam War era, some far-left supporters of the communist Vietcong, such as the American Weathermen, the German Red Army Faction, and the Italian Red Brigade, used terrorism in the forms of bombings, assassinations, kidnappings, and especially airplane hijackings, where more than one hundred each year occurred in the 1970s. The recent wave of terrorism has been a result of extreme Islamic fun-damentalism, as well as other religious faiths and religious sects. In Afghanistan’s fight against the Soviet Union, bin Laden and his supporters developed terrorist skills and a narrow-minded, fanatical Islamic puritanism, as well as a hatred of most existing Arab government, which they viewed as cor-rupt, un-Islamic, and unresponsive to the needs of ordinary Muslims. When Islamic extremists re-turned home from Afghanistan and began to organize, they were often jailed and blamed the United States for being the supporter and corrupter of existing Arab governments. This would lead to the 1998 bombing of the U.S. embassy in Nairobi, Kenya, which claimed nearly 200 lives.

The West Divided and War in Iraq
Afghanistan soon turned into quarreling and international crisis over the prospect of war with Iraq. As soon as he was elected in 2000, President Bush and his most influential advisers, led by Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, began to consider how to overthrow Iraq’s Saddam Hussein and remake the Middle East. Many in the administration argued that a democratic, pro-American Iraq would transform the Middle East, make peace with Israel, provide easy access to the world’s second-largest oil reserves, and show small states the strength of the United States. American fears of renewed terrorism were used to charge Hussein with developing weapons of mass destruction in disregard of his promise to end all programs following the first war with Iraq in 1991. He had used chemical weapons in his war with Iran in the 1980s and against the Kurdish population of northern Iraq and that he could use them again against the United States and its allies. In August 2002, Cheney promised Iraqi exiles that the United States would depose Saddam against the United Nations charter that states that armed forces can only be used in self-defense. Large numbers of Americans shared doubts about the legality and wisdom of an American attack on Iraq and argued for a peaceful settlement of the Iraqi weapons crisis. Thus, the Bush administration reluctantly agreed to new Security Council resolutions requiring Iraq to accept the return of United Nations weapons inspectors and destroy any remaining prohibited weapons. Iraq accepted the inspectors, who were unable to find any weapons of mass destruction. The United States and Britain said Iraq was hiding prohibited weapons, moved armies to the Middle East, and lobbied for a new United Nations resolution authorizing immediate military action against Iraq. France, Russia, China, Germany, and other smaller states argued for continued weapons inspections. Western governments became divided, and the Security Council deadlocked and failed to act. In March 2003, the United States and Britain invaded Iraq from bases in Kuwait and quickly overwhelmed the Iraqi army. As Saddam’s dictatorship collapsed, chaos spread, and looters stripped government buildings and hospitals of everything from computers to faucets, American and British troops ignored these actions. Disbanding the Iraqi army alienated the population, worsened security, and created great unemployment, while the failure to seize stocks of weapons left Iraqi insurgents with guns and explosives for counterattacks, the allies found no weapons of mass destruction. In November 2003, the Bush administration decided to grant full sovereignty to an interim Iraqi government by July 2004 and hold national elections the following year. In late June 2004, the United States and Britain proclaimed a fully sovereign Iraqi government, headed by an Iraqi exile with close ties to the CIA and the Pentagon. American and British soldiers remained to support the new government, and fighting with Iraqi insurgents continued.

The Future in Perspective
Predictions about the future often change from pessimism to optimism in the great seesaw in the develop-ment of the Western world. In the late 1990s, the United States was not troubled by high unemployment or corporate downsizing but instead embraced a booming stock market, its military power, leadership in world affairs, and excellence in advanced technologies. In 2000, the mood shifted because the dot-com bubble burst and the U.S. economy slid into a recession in 2001. September 11 created economic problems and brought national grief and fear. Terrorist groups were feared to have biological and nuclear weapons of mass destruction.

Individuals in Society: Kofi Annan
Kofi Annan is an African diplomat born in 1938 who headed the United Nations Security Council beginning in 1997. He attended Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota, where he developed an idealistic commitment to international peace and understanding. In 1962, he became a budget officer with the World Health Organization. He then gradually worked his way up the ladder in the United Nations. In 1992, the United Nations secretary-general Boutros Boutros-Ghali put Annan in change of all United Nations peacekeeping operations. With civil war enveloped a host of countries after the Cold War, Annan had to manage a great amount of peacekeeping efforts. Civilian and military peacekeepers working for the United Nations rose from ten thousand in 1992 to seventy thousand in 1995. Annan was selected secretary-general for a five-year term beginning in 1997 and began serving a second term in 2002. His first act as secretary-general was to reform the United Nations by reducing total spending but by refocusing the organization’s efforts on the welfare of the world’s poorest citizens. His Annan Doctrine argues that states must no longer use their rights of sovereignty as a shield for gross violations of human rights and that the global community has at times a duty to intervene. Annan helped lead the international attack on the HIV/AIDS epidemic.

Post Cold War 2

1. After the Soviet Union was dissolved in 1992, Boris Yeltsin and his supporters wanted to free prices on 90% of all Russian goods, launch a rapid privatization of industry, and encourage citizens to invest in the private companies by giving them 10,000 rubles. There wanted to revive production and bring prosperity after a brief period of hard-ship, but the reforms were mostly the opposite. Prices increased 250% on the first day and increased to twenty-six times in 1992. Russian production fell by 20% and was able to recover by 1997, with the inflation gradually slow-ing. Soviet industry had been monopolized and focused on military goods, with production of many items being concentrated in one or two gigantic factories or in interconnected combines that supplied the entire economies. Privatization caused these state monopolies to become private monopolies, which cut production and raised pric-es to maximize their financial returns. Managers and bureaucrats forced Yeltsin’s government to hand out enormous subsidies and credits to reinforce the positions of big firms and to avoid bankruptcies and the discipline of a free market. The managerial elite combined with criminal elements to intimidate would-be rivals and prevent new businesses. The runaway inflation and poorly executed privatization allowed for a new capitalist elite to acquire great wealth and power, while large numbers of people fell into poverty while the majority struggled. Russia’s oil and natural resources industries allowed people to become very rich, so that by 1996, Moscow, which represented 5% of Russia’s population, accounted for 35% of the country’s national income and controlled 80% of its capital resources. The vast majority saw their savings become practically worthless, as pensions lost much of their value and people sold their personal goods to survive. The average life expectancy in 1991 was sixty-nine years, but in 1996, it was fifty-eight.

2. The economic decline and rising popular dissatisfaction encouraged a majority of communists, nationalists, and populists in the Russian parliament to oppose Yeltsin and his coalition of democratic reformers and big-business interests. Yeltsin wouldn’t accept any compromises and insisted on a strong presidential system. He won in April 1993 with 58% of the vote and brought in tanks to crush a parliamentary mutiny in October 1993. He then consol-idated his power and used his big-business cronies in the media to win again in 1996. The widespread disillusion-ment set the stage for Vladimir Putin to be elected in 2000 and reelected in March 2004. He maintained free markets in the economic sphere but reestablished semi-authoritarian political rule. In 2004, with high oil prices, the Russian economy had been booming for five years. The Russian middle class expanded rapidly, and the elected parliament supported Putin overwhelmingly. Putin also soothed the country’s injured pride and symbolized its national resurgence. The government also repressed the Chechnya freedom movement.

3. Developments and problems in eastern Europe were similar to those in Russia. The postcommunist states worked to replace state planning and socialism with market mechanisms and private property. Western-style electoral politics took hold, which were characterized by presidents, parliaments, and weak political parties. Ordinary citi-zens and the elderly lost the most, while the young and the ex-Communists were the big winners. Inequalities be-tween richer and poorer regions increased. Capital cities concentrated wealth, power, and opportunity, while provincial centers stagnated and old industrial areas declined. Crime and gangsterism increased in the streets and executive suites. As communism died, nationalism was reborn, as nationalities with long histories and rich cul-tures demanded national self-determination. Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary were more successful than Russia in economic reconstruction because they were flexible, lacked dogmatism in government policy, and en-thusiastically embraced capitalism. In the first five years, Poland created twice as many new businesses as Russia with a population one-fourth as large. The three successful countries did better than Russia in creating new civic institutions, legal systems, and independent broadcasting networks that reinforced political freedom and national revival. Lech Walesa of Poland and Václav Havel of Czechoslovakia were effective presidents. After Czechoslova-kia’s Velvet Revolution in 1989, Havel and the Czech parliament broke away with Slovakian nationalists in 1993. The three northern countries managed to control national and ethnic tensions that might have destroyed their postcommunist reconstruction. Poles, Hungarians, and Czechs hoped to find security in NATO membership and economic prosperity. After the Clinton administration approved them, they were accepted in 1997. Romania and Bulgaria lagged in the postcommunist transition. Western traditions were much weaker, and both countries were much poorer than neighbors to the north. Their per capita national incomes were one thousand to two thousand less than Hungary and the Czech Republic.

4. After Josip Tito died in 1980, power passed to the sister republics, which encouraged a revival of regional and eth-nic conflicts. The revolutions of 1989 accelerated the breakup of Yugoslavia. Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic wanted to grab land from other republics and unite all Serbs into a greater Serbia. In 1989, Milosevic abolished self-rule in Kosovo, where Albanian-speaking people were the majority. Milosevic strengthened the cause of sepa-ratism, and in June 1991, Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence. Slovenia repulsed a Serbian attack, but Milosevic’s armies took about 30% of Croatia. In 1992, the civil war spread to Bosnia-Herzegovina, which had declared its independence. Serbs refused to live under the more numerous Bosnian Muslims. The Bosnian civil war was ruthless, as there were murder, rape, destruction, and concentration camps. In July 1995, when Bosnian Serbs overran Srebrenica, a Muslim city that was considered a safe area, and killed several thousand civilians, NATO bombed Bosnian Serb military targets intensively, and the Croatian army drove all the Serbs from Croatia. In November 1995, President Bill Clinton compromised the two sides and gave Bosnian Serbs 49% of Bosnia and the Muslim-Croatian peoples the rest. NATO troops patrolled Bosnia to maintain the peace. After Kosovo gained nothing from the Bosnian agreement, Kosovar militants formed the Kosovo Liberation Army and began to fight for independence. In 1998, Serbian forces attacked KLA guerrillas and unarmed villagers, displacing 250,000 people within Kosovo. By January 1999, the Western powers were threatening Milosevic with heavy air raids if he did not withdraw Serbian armies from Kosovo and accept self-government for Kosovo. After Milosevic refused, NATO be-gan bombing Yugoslavia in March 1999. Serbian paramilitary forces then drove 780,000 Kosovars into exile. NATO then doubled its bombing campaign, forcing Milosevic to withdraw. Milosevic was then replaced in July 2001 by a new pro-Western Serbian government.

5. The Single European Act of 1986 established a legal framework for creating a single market, which would add the free movement of labor, capital, and services to the existing free trade in goods. The European Community was renamed to the European Union in 1993. French president François Mitterrand and German chancellor Helmut Kohl pushed for a monetary union of EU members. In December 1991, the member states agreed to the Maas-tricht treaty, which set strict financial criteria for joining the proposed monetary union and set 1999 as the target date for its establishment. The treaty anticipated the development of common policies on defense and foreign af-fairs. Western European elites and opinion makers supported the step, hoping to solve economic problems, im-pose financial discipline, cut costs, and reduce high unemployment. The plan encountered widespread popular opposition and opposition from ordinary people, leftist political parties, and patriotic nationalists. Many people resented the flow of rules handed down by the EU’s bureaucracy in Brussels, which sought to impose common standards on everything and undermined national practices and local traditions. Power was lost from national pol-itics and electoral competition. Many ordinary citizens feared the new Europe was being made at their expense, as governments had to meet strict fiscal standards and impose budget cuts. French voters elected Jacques Chirac in 1993, giving a coalition of conservatives and moderates power over the Socialist party. He had won by promis-ing an attack on unemployment, but he chose deficit-reducing cuts in health benefits and transportation services. France’s unions and railroad workers, with the help of the Socialists, responded with massive protest marches and a national strike that shut down rail traffic throughout France for almost a month. The public supported the war because of sympathy. The government backed down and adopted less controversial measures, but the Socialists soon gained control of the National Assembly. They passed a new law to reduce the legal workweek to thirty-five hours. In 1991, Germany invested greatly in its eastern provinces, but there was still social unrest. In late 1997, unemployment was at 12.8%, with 20% in the east. Eastern German women had to face expensive childcare and other pressures to stay at home and let men take the better jobs. Sweden, Finland, and Austria were accepted into the EU later. On January 1, 2002, the euro was established smoothly. On May 1, 2004, the European Union added Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia, Slovakia, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Malta, and Cyprus. In June 2004, the leaders of the European Union reached agreement on the new constitution, which organized all the former European treaties. The EU constitution created a president, foreign minister, and a voting system, and created a centralized federal system, with the states being able to veto taxation, social policy, and foreign affairs.

Cold War 5 / Post Cold War 1 / Keynes

1. When an economy is in a depression, it can behave like an elevator: either going up, going down, or staying still.

2. With the decline of savings, there are fewer investments, and they are not encouraged. With-out savings, interest rates cannot be driven down. Investment will not be encouraged because the risks increase and the amount of return on investment dips.

3. If businesses do not have enough investments, then it is the government’s responsibility to stimulate the economy. Government influence could stimulate investment directly, but it is more likely to succeed by stimulating consumption. Governments should only invest enough to rebuild the economy.

4. Keynes constructed his ideology in response to the classical viewpoint. Keynes argues that the demand for goods is a more important factor than the level of employment, regarding the output of an economy. He believes that, when necessary, government should actively involve itself in the economy to influence the demand for goods when there is high unemployment. He argues that it is people’s income level, rather than interest rates, that determines how much they put into savings and investments. He believes that the costs of producing goods set the price of foods rather than the volume of money flowing in the economy.

5. Keynes defends demand-side economics by saying that demand for goods is a primary force determining whether or not goods are produced.


1. In 1990, the Soviet Union and Albania were the only countries in eastern Europe that did not have any anticommunist revolutions, as Armenians and Azerbaijanis fought and Baltic States declared their independence. The Great Russian masses became increasingly tense. In Febru-ary 1990, the Communist party was defeated in local elections throughout the country, as competing Russian politicians presented their programs and nationalists demanded autonomy or independence from the Soviet Union. After Gorbachev’s refusal to intervene in Lithuania lost him public support, he asked Soviet citizens to ratify a new constitution that formally ab-olished the Communist party’s monopoly of political power and expanded the power of the Congress of People’s Deputies. Gorbachev’s eroding power and his unwillingness to risk a uni-versal suffrage election paved the way for Boris Yeltsin, a radical reform communist who had been purged by party conservatives in 1987, to become leader of the Russian parliament in May 1990, while Gorbachev remained party secretary and president of the Soviet Union. Yelt-sin was a tough and crafty Siberian who had staged a comeback as the most prominent figure in the democratic movement in the Russian Federation. He announced that Russia would dec-lare its independence and put its laws and interests above those of the multinational Soviet Union. His declaration broadened the base of the anticommunist movement, joining the pa-triotism of ordinary Russians with the democratic aspirations of big-city intellectuals. Gorba-chev tried to save the Soviet Union with a new treaty that would link the member republic in a looser, freely accepted confederation. Nine republics agreed to join, but the Baltic States, Ar-menia, Georgia, and Moldova did not. After being defeated at the Communist party congress in July 1990, Gorbachev and his family were kidnapped by hard-line Communists, who then tried to seize the Soviet government in August 1991. The coup failed amidst massive popular resistance, led by recently elected president of the Russian Federation, Yeltsin. With the sup-port of the army, Yeltsin defeated the rebels and returned Gorbachev to power. An anticom-munist revolution swept the Russian Federation as Yeltsin and his supporters outlawed the Communist party and confiscated its property. They then declared Russia independent from the Soviet Union, which went into effect December 25, 1991. A loose confederation, the Commonwealth of Independent States, was established in the former Soviet countries in late 1991. Concerns that Russia would try to return the independent states of the commonwealth under Moscow’s control were dead by 1992.

2. The revolutions of 1989 triggered a domino effect in which people tore down walls and put in elected officials. The liberation of eastern Europe hinted at the end to the Cold War, which had started with Stalin’s imposition of Soviet rule in eastern Europe after World War II. When communism died in East Germany in 1989, the German question began again. Supported by leading East German intellectuals and former dissidents, East German reform communists took power in October 1989 and wanted to preserve socialism by making it democratic and responsive to the needs of the people. They sought a middle path between Stalinism and capi-talism, and supported closer ties with West Germany but feared unification because it would weaken the East German identity. These efforts failed within a few months due to three fac-tors. First, in the first week after the Berlin Wall was opened, 9 million East Germans moved into West Germany, where they met long-lost friends and shopped at well-stocked stores. Second, West German chancellor Helmut Kohl and his closest advisors exploited the historic opportunity by declaring in November 1989 a ten-point plan for a step-by-step unification in cooperation with East Germany and the international community. Kohl denounced fears of a dangerous greater Germany and promised the ordinary citizens of East Germany a one-for-one exchange of all East German marks in savings accounts and pensions into much more val-uable West German marks. This helped a well-financed conservative-liberal “Alliance for Ger-many” to overwhelm those who argued for the preservation of some kind of independent so-cialist society in East Germany. In March 1990, the Alliance won almost 50% of the votes in an East German parliamentary election. The Alliance quickly negotiated an economic union on favorable terms with Kohl, who wanted to complete the unification of the two Germanys as soon as possible. By the summer of 1990, German unification was successfully resolved amongst the international community. Though unification would make Germany the strongest state in central Europe and would affect the security of the Soviet Union and the general Eu-ropean balance of power, Gorbachev accepted the deal, as Germany agreed in July 1990 that it was peaceful and would never develop nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons. Germany allowed the Soviet forces in East Germany to withdraw gradually and with dignity, and prom-ised to make enormous loans to the Soviet Union. On October 3, 1990, East Germany merged with West Germany. The reunification accelerated the pace of agreements to reduce arma-ments and end the Cold War. With the Soviet Union’s budget deficit rising in 1990, Gorbachev sought arrangements to justify massive cuts in military spending, which was confirmed among twenty-two European countries, the United States, and the Soviet Union in Paris in November 1990. The delegates also affirmed all existing borders in Europe to be legal and valid.

1. After the Cold War, there were three important trends in Europe: the pressure on national economies increasingly caught up in global capitalism, the defense of social achievements un-der attack, and a resurgence of nationalism and ethnic conflict. European leaders embraced or accepted a large part of the neoliberal, free-market vision of capitalist development, which was especially strong in eastern Europe where states implemented market reforms. Post-communist governments in eastern Europe freed prices, turned state enterprises over to pri-vate owners, and sough to move toward strong currencies and balanced budgets, with western Europe somewhat following suit. Two factors accounted for the shift from welfare state activism to strict capitalism. First, Europeans were only following practices and ideologies in the United States and Great Britain. Western Europeans especially looked to America because it had won the Cold War and its economy continued to outperform its western European counterparts. Second, the deregulation of markets and the privatization of state-controlled enterprises were part of a trend toward an open, wheeler-dealer global economy. The rules of the global economy, which were laid down by Western governments, multinational corpora-tions, and international financial organizations such as the International Monetary Fund called for the free movement of capital, goods, and services, as well as low inflation and limited gov-ernment deficits. The computer and electronics revolution strengthened globalization because it thrived on the diffusion of computational and informational capacity to small research groups and private businesses. The computer revolution reduced the costs of distance, speed-ing up communications and helping businesses tap cheaper labor overseas. Millions of ordi-nary citizens in western Europe believed that global capitalism and freer markets were un-dermining hard-won social achievements. The public in many countries associated globaliza-tion with the increased unemployment that accompanied corporate downsizing, the efforts to reduce the power of labor unions, and government plans to reduce social benefits. A counte-rattack occurred to global capitalism in the late 1990s, spearheaded by financial crises in Asia’s smaller economies. Many critics argued that globalization damaged poor and wealthy countries, as well as the world’s poor because multinational corporations destroyed local industries and paid low wages. The end of European communism brought liberal democracy everywhere, as all countries embraced electoral competition, with elected presidents and legislatures and the outward manifestations of representative liberal governments. Countries also guaranteed many basic civil liberties. The resurgence of nationalism in the 1990s led to tragedy and bloodshed in eastern Europe, Africa, and Asia. The civil wars in Yugoslavia caused some people to fear national and ethnic hatreds would spread throughout eastern Europe, but this was not true. The desire to be accepted as full-fledged members of the European society of nations, the European Community (renamed the European Union in 1993), led countries to be peaceful. States that embraced national hatred and ethnic warfare were boycotted and isolated by the European Union and the international community.

Cold War 4

1. The 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia was the crucial event of the Brezhnev era, as it demon-strated the deep conservatism of the Soviet Union’s ruling elite and its determination to maintain the status quo in the Soviet bloc. It also brought on a re-Stalinization of the Soviet Union that was collective rather than personal. There was a slowly rising standard of living for ordinary people, although the economic crisis of the 1970s slowed the rate of improve-ment. There were also long line and constant shortages. The upper-class model influenced citizens to work hard. The enduring nationalism of ordinary Great Russians ensured stability. Party leaders were able to identify themselves with Russian patriotism. Because the Great Russians were politically dominant but represented only half of the total Soviet population, they feared greater freedom and open political competition because it may result in de-mands for autonomy and independence. The strength of the government was expressed in culture and art, as free expression and open protest disappeared. The government purged dissidents by blacklisting them, imprisoning them in jails or mental institutions, and perma-nently expelled them from the country. Jews often had similar fates. By eliminating all op-position, the Communist party elite controlled the Soviet Union through the 1970s and early 1980s. However, the Soviet Union was experiencing changes in three ways. First, the growth of the urban population continued rapidly in the 1960s and 1970s, causing two-thirds of all Soviet citizens to live in cities and one-quarter in the big cities in 1985. The urban popula-tion lost its old peasant ways in exchange for more education, better job skills, and greater sophistication. Second, the number of highly trained scientists, managers, and specialists expanded fourfold between 1960 and 1985. Leading Soviet scientists and technologists sought the intellectual freedom necessary to do significant work, obtaining it because their research had practical value. Third, education and freedom for experts in their special areas helped foster the growth of Soviet public opinion. Educated people read, discussed, and formed definite ideas about social questions and cautiously debated conventional ideas. Educated urban people increasingly saw themselves as worthy of having a voice in society’s decisions.

2. Because Polish Communists dropped their efforts to impose Soviet-style collectivization on the peasants and break the Roman Catholic church in 1956, most agricultural land remained in private hands and the Catholic church thrived. When the government suddenly announced large price increases right before Christmas in 1970, Poland’s working class rose in angry protest, occupying factories, and being shot at. A new Communist leader came to power and believed that he could use Western capital and technology to win popular sup-port for the regime. However, the economic crisis put the economy into a dive, causing workers, intellectuals, and the church to become restive. After Cardinal Karol Wojtyla be-came Pope John Paul II in 1978, he electrified the Polish nation. Among other strikes to pro-test higher meat prices was the Lenin Shipyard Strike in Gdansk with sixteen thousand workers. The strikers occupied the plant and established the right to form trade unions, the right to strike, freedom of speech, release of political prisoners, and economic reforms. Af-ter eighteen days, the government accepted the workers’ demands in the Gdansk Agree-ment. Led by Lenin Shipyards Lech Walesa, the workers organized their free and democratic trade union, Solidarity. Joined by intellectuals and supported by the Catholic church, Soli-darity had 9.5 million members by March 1981 out of a theoretical 12.5 million. The 40,000-man staff published its own newspapers, causing cultural and intellectual freedom. Because of its support and the threat of a nationwide strike, Solidarity had real power with the Communist bosses. However, it was immobilized due to history, the Brezhnev Doctrine, and attacks from communist neighbors. Thus, Solidarity aimed at defending the cultural and trade-union freedoms won in the Gdansk Agreement. The Soviet Union was forced to play a waiting game of threats and pressure. After the police beat Solidarity activists in March 1981, Walesa settled for only minor government concessions, causing criticism of Walesa’s moderate leadership and calls for local self-government in unions and factories. As economic conditions worsened, the Polish Communist leadership denounced Solidarity for promoting economic collapse and provoking Soviet invasion. In December 1981, Communist leader General Wojciech Jaruzelski suddenly proclaimed marital law, cut of all communications, and arrested Solidarity’s leaders. Solidarity was thus outlawed and driven underground, but it continued to maintain its organization and voice the aspirations of the Polish masses. This was because the government was unwilling and couldn’t impose full-scale terror. There was also a general belief that everyone was free.

3. Mikhail Gorbachev’s reforms in 1985 brought political and cultural liberalization to the So-viet Union, as well as democracy and national self-determination. This contrasted against the other times of change in Russia, such as the period of Peter the Great, the mid-nineteenth century reforms, the Russian Revolution of 1917, and Stalin’s five-year plans. The Soviet Communist party was secure and had great control over Soviet life. Organized opposition was impossible, and average people left politics to the bosses. However, the elite promoted apathy in the masses and was unable to cooperate with the growing class of well-educated urban experts. When Brezhnev died in 1982, his successor Yuri Andropov in-troduced modest reforms to improve economic performance as well as campaigned against worker absenteeism and high-level corruption. When Gorbachev came to power in 1985, he wanted to save the Soviet system by revitalizing it with fundamental reforms. He also wanted to improve conditions for ordinary citizens. In his first year, he attacked corruption and incompetence in the bureaucracy, and he consolidated his power by putting his suppor-ters on the top level of the party. He attacked alcoholism and drunkenness, as well as re-structured the economy in perestroika. He permitted an easing of government price con-trols on some goods, more independence for state enterprises, and the setting up of profit-seeking private cooperatives to provide personal services for consumers. These reforms had little success by late 1988. Gorbachev also wanted to tell it like it is by establishing a new-found openness, or glasnost, of the government and the media. Banned books sold millions of copies while denunciations of Stalin and his terror were common in plays and movies. In April 1989, there were free elections in the Soviet Union, despite Gorbachev and the party remaining in control. Many top-ranking Communists who ran unopposed were defeated by a majority of angry voters not voting at all. Millions of Soviets saw the new congress on tel-evision as Gorbachev and his ministers debated and sometimes lost their proposal, influen-cing the Soviets to openly discuss, critically think, and demand representative government. When Georgian separatists killed twenty people, Gorbachev did not repress the country. He withdrew Soviet troops from Afghanistan and sought to reduce East-West tensions. He also wanted to stop the arms race with the United States and reached an agreement with Presi-dent Reagan in December 1987. He encouraged reform movements in Poland and Hungary and pledged to respect the political choices of eastern Europe.

1. Solidarity and the Polish people led the revolutions in eastern Europe, as in 1988, Solidarity took advantage of Gorbachev’s tolerant attitude and its own successfully mobilizing forces and pressured Poland’s Communist leaders into another round of negotiations to resolve the political stalemate and the economic crisis. In early 1989, Solidarity was legalized and a large minority of representatives to the Polish parliament would be chosen by free elections in June 1989. The Communist party was still guaranteed a majority, and General Jaruzelski would be president for four years. Solidarity then mobilized the country and won most of the contested seats. Many angry voters also crossed off the names of unopposed party can-didates so that the Communist party failed to win the majority they had anticipated. Lech Walesa then obtained a majority in the Polish parliament by securing the allegiance of two minor procommunist parties. Gorbachev again stated that he would not intervene to save the Polish Communists. In its first year and a half, the Solidarity government eliminated the secret police, the Communist ministers in the government, and Jaruzelski, but all gradually. The new government applied shock therapy to make a clean break with state planning and ownership and to move quickly to market mechanisms and private property. It abolished controls on many prices and reformed the monetary system on January 1, 1990. Hungary followed Poland; its Communist leader, János Kádár, had permitted liberalization of the planned economy after the 1956 uprising in exchange for political obedience and continued Communist control. In May 1988, the party replaced him with a reform communist, but op-position groups rejected slow progress. In the summer of 1989, the Hungarian Communist party gambled on holding free elections in early 1990. They now had great popular support and, wanting more, they opened their border to East Germans and tore down the barbed-wire border with Austria. Hungary thus allowed East Germans to vacation in Hungary, cross into Austria as refugees, and resettle in West Germany. This caused protest movements in East Germany, as intellectuals, environmentalists, and Protestant ministers organized dem-onstrations and argued that a truly democratic, independent, but still socialist East Germany was possible and desirable. The East German government then opened the Berlin Wall in November 1989, its old Communist leaders were replaced, and a reform government took power and called for political dialogue and general elections for March 1990. In Czechoslo-vakia, communism ended in December 1989 when Communist bosses were kicked out in ten days. This Velvet Revolution grew out of popular demonstrations led by students, intel-lectuals, and Václav Havel. The protestors took control of the streets and forced the Com-munists into an agreement to share power, which caused the Communist government to resign. In 1990, Havel was elected president. In Romania, revolution was violent and bloody. The tough Communist dictator Nicolae Ceauşescu ordered his security forces to slaughter thousands of protestors. This created an armed uprising where Ceauşescu and his forces were defeated and executed. A coalition government then emerged.

a. Havel opposed Communist rule because the Soviets used force to maintain the status quo, as well as purged and blacklisted him. The Czechoslovakian government then violated the Helsinki Accord on human rights. His goals differed from those of other advocates of reform communism by presenting his argument logical and with evidence, as well as providing a plan.

b. Havel can be called a moralist in politics because he was sensible and was not quick to ex-cite. He responded logically as well as took in all sides of the debate. Perhaps Gandhi can be a better moralist because he did not fight back at all.

a. Michnik believes that force can turn liberty into its opposite. Also, his opponent, the Soviet Union, had a far superior military and thus any Polish force would be futile. His arguments are convincing because he used historical evidence as well as logical reasoning.

b. Michnik’s study of history affected his thinking by relating his current struggles with Na-poleon and the French Revolution. He suggests that force is only able to have military victo-ries and not build democratic, pluralistic societies.

Cold War 3

1. After World War II and before the Vietnam War, most Americans and their leaders viewed the world in terms of a constant struggle to contain communism, evident in the Korean War. In the Vietnam War, the United States used this idea again, building up troops gradually without risk-ing war with the entire Communist bloc. After the United States failed to defeat the North Vi-etnamese and withdrew its men, the policy of détente was used in the Cold War. West German chancellor Willy Brandt was the first major European political figure to use it when in Decem-ber 1970 he flew to Poland for the signing of a treaty of reconciliation and for commemorating a Polish unknown soldier and an armed uprising of Warsaw’s Jewish ghetto. Brandt’s gesture was aimed at reconciliation with eastern Europe and at establishing a peace settlement for central Europe and the two Germanys. West Germany claimed that East Germany lacked free elections and thus any legal or moral basis. West Germany also refused to accept the loss of Germany territory to Poland and the Soviet Union. Brandt, who was mayor of West Berlin when the Berlin Wall was built in 1961, saw the wall as representing the painful limitations of West Germany’s official hard line toward communist eastern Europe and the need for a new foreign policy. After becoming chancellor in 1969, Brandt negotiated treaties with the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia that formally accepted existing state boundaries and the loss of German territory to Poland and the Soviet Union in return for a mutual renunciation of force or the threat of force. Brandt’s government also entered into direct relations with East Germany, aimed for modest practical improvements. His initiatives encouraged President Nix-on to sponsor a broader framework of reducing East-West tensions in the early 1970s, as evi-dent when he gradually reduced American involvement in Vietnam. In 1975, the United States, Canada, and all European nations except Albania signed the Final Act of the Helsinki Confe-rence, agreeing that Europe’s existing political frontiers could not be changed by force and ac-cepting many provisions guaranteeing the human rights and political freedoms of their citizens. However, Brezhnev’s Soviet Union increasingly ignored the human rights provisions of the Helsinki agreement in the late 1970s. Many Americans believed that the Soviet Union was using détente to build up its military and push for political gains and revolutions in Third World countries. After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979, Americans feared that the states of the Persian Gulf would be next, so President Jimmy carter urged the Atlantic alliance to enact economic sanctions against the Soviet Union, but only Great Britain supported it. After the world became more conservative in 1980, the United States under newly elected President Ronald Reagan got new allies in western Europe. Great Britain’s Margaret Thatcher supported Reagan and a revitalized Atlantic alliance. When pro-American Helmut Kohl came to power in 1982 in West Germany, it and the United States coordinated military and political policy toward the Soviet bloc.

2. The postwar international monetary system was based on the American dollar, which foreign governments could exchange for gold at $35 an ounce. The United States sent billions abroad in foreign aid and for fighting foreign wars. By early 1971, it had only $11 billion in gold left while Europe had US$50 billion. Foreigners panicked and exchanged their dollars for gold, but President Nixon stopped the sale of American gold, sending the value of the dollar down greater, inflation to accelerate worldwide, and fixed rates of exchange to be abandoned. After the war, the abundance of cheap oil led energy-intensive industries to expand rapidly and lead other sectors of the economy forward. By 1971, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries had watched the price of crude oil decline, so it presented a front against the oil companies. When the United States supported Israel during the fourth Arab-Israeli war in Oc-tober 1973, OPEC declared an embargo on oil shipments to the United States, quadrupling the price of crude oil. With the world’s big powers doing nothing, the Soviet Union benefitted while the United States was immobilized. With the two economic crises, the world had its worst economic decline since the 1930s, with rising unemployment and declining productivity and living standards. Just when there was a modest recovery by 1976, a fundamentalist Islamic revolution occurred in Iran, causing oil production to collapse in that country and the price of crude oil to double in 1979. Unemployment and inflation rose greatly before another recovery in 1982; however, in the summer of 1985, the unemployment rate in western Europe, with ni-neteen million people, was at its highest level since the Great Depression. The troubled econ-omy led to the misery index, which combined the rates of inflation and unemployment togeth-er. Misery increased between 1970 and 1986 in the United States, Japan, and the Common Market, but it was greatest in western Europe. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Common Market appeared to be on the verge of disintegration due to economic dislocation and economic na-tionalism. As the Common Market became known as the European Economic Community, Denmark, Island, and Britain joined in 1973, Greece in 1981, and Portugal and Spain in 1986.

3. The economic conditions of the 1970s and early 1980s caused optimism to give way to pessim-ism and romantic utopianism to yield to realism. There were the human tragedies of lost jobs, bankruptcies, homelessness, and mental breakdown. The welfare system created after the war prevented mass suffering through extended benefits for the unemployed, pensions for the age, free medical care and special allowances for the needy, and other supports. The crisis also contributed to the preservation of political stability and democracy. The response of govern-ments to social needs caused an increase in total government spending in most countries dur-ing the 1970s and early 1980s. In 1982, western European governments spent an average of 50% of gross national income compared to 37% fifteen years earlier. Because people were more willing to see increased spending than raised taxes, there were rapid growth of budget deficits, national debts, and inflation. This movement reversed by the late 1970s. When Thatcher came to power in Britain in 1979, she slowed government spending and privatized industry. Her government also encouraged low- and moderate-income renters in state-owned housing projects to buy their apartments at low prices. President Reagan in 1981 pushed through major cuts in income taxes but failed to cut government spending. His massive military buildup and social programs grew, as he was obsessed with the Soviet threat and the government had to spend more unemployment benefits, welfare benefits, and medical treatment for the poor. With his anti-welfare rhetoric, liberal opposition was mobilized to defend the poor and many moderates turned against him. Nevertheless, the budget deficit and the U.S. government debt tripled in a decade. When François Mitterrand was elected president of France in 1981, he broke away from conservatism and used the Socialist party and Communist allies to launch a vast program of nationalization and public investment designed to spend France out of economic stagnation; he had failed by 1983. When governments cut back on spending, large scientific projects were stopped, reinforcing the computer revolution, as small research groups and private businesses led the way. The energy crisis of the 1970s forced individuals to reexamine their fuel bills and the pattern of self-indulgent materialism, leading to a leaner and tougher lifestyle in Europe and North America in the 1970s and early 1980s. There was less reliance on medical science for good health and a growing awareness that individuals were responsibility for most of their illnesses and diseases, as individuals could increase their life spans by eating regular meals, sleeping eight hours a day, exercising three times a week, maintaining moderate weight, forgoing smoking, and using alcohol in moderation. Men and women were encouraged to postpone marriage until they had firmly establishing their careers, increasing the age of marriage. The threat of unemployment caused students in the 1980s to be serious, practical, and conservative. More women were employed in the workforce, even after they were married, due to economic necessity.

1. The women’s movement dated back to the French Revolution, when pioneering feminists for-mulated the first systematic demands for women’s rights and gender equality. This cooled down but began again the later nineteenth century, as the women gained some modest rights. The gains of World War I for women were rescinded in the 1920s and 1930s, nor did the eco-nomic expansion after World War II help women’s standing. Before the Industrial Revolution, most men and women married late, with many not marrying at all. When a woman was mar-ried, she had as much children as possible, with a third to a half not surviving to adulthood. As industry and urban society grew, people began to marry earlier and fewer remained unmar-ried. With industrial development came higher incomes and better diets, causing more child-ren to survive to adulthood, greatly increasing the population in the nineteenth century. How-ever, contraception within marriage was spreading. These trends continued after World War II, as the typical Western woman continued to marry earlier and have her children quickly, with 80% of their children born before she was thirty. There were larger families and a rapid population growth of 1 to 1.5% per year in many European countries. In the 1960s, the long-term decline in birthrates resumed, and from the mid-1970s onward, total population stopped growing or declined in many Western countries. Pregnancy and childcare occupied a much smaller portion of a woman’s life than at 1900 because by the early 1970s, about half of West-ern women were having their last baby by the age of twenty-six or twenty-seven. Women be-came frustrated as their role as mothers no longer absorbed the energies of a lifetime and as work was limited or unavailable. Before the Industrial Revolution, ordinary women worked hard and long on farms and in home industries while caring for their families. With the growth of modern industry, young women continued to work as wage earners, but poor married women struggled to earn money at home by practicing low-paid craft as they looked after their children; middle-class women hardly ever worked, though they did for charity. With the complexity of the modern economy and its technology after World War II, almost all would-be wage earners had to go outside the home to find cash income. Married women had less eco-nomic value for families after they bore their children. Young women also were able to be fully educated and take advantage of the need for well-trained people. This trend was strongest in communist eastern Europe, with women accounting for almost half of all employed persons after the war. Women were no longest acceptable of sexism and discrimination, as they saw employment as a permanent condition for income and psychological satisfaction. As more married women were employed, the birthrate decline because raising a family while holding a full-time job was a great challenge. The demands of job, motherhood, and marriage became more manageable with fewer children.

2. There were three reasons for the rebirth of the women’s movement in the 1970s. First, ongo-ing changes in underlying patterns of motherhood and paid work created novel conditions and new demands. Second, a number of feminist intellectuals articulated a powerful critique of gender relations, stimulating women to rethink their assumptions and challenge the status quo. Third, dissatisfied individuals recognized that they had to band together if they were to in-fluence politics and secure reforms. French writer and philosopher Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex was the first and one of the most influential major works, as it showed how the adolescent Beauvoir came to see her pious and submissive mother as foolishly renouncing any self-expression outside of home and marriage. She analyzed the position of women within the framework of existential thought, arguing that women were in essence free but that they had usually been trapped by inflexible and limiting conditions. Only by courageous action and self-assertive creativity could a woman become a completely free person and escape the role of the inferior other than men had constructed for her gender. She inspired Betty Freidan, who reopened the serious discussion of women’s issues in the United States. She reflected the American faith in group actions and political solutions. She became aware of the conflicting pressures of career and family and conducted a survey of her classmates fifteen years after they graduated that reflected her dissatisfaction. In her The Feminist Mystique, she identified this dissatisfaction as the problem that has no name, a crisis of identity. After there was little attention to sex discrimination, she founded in 1966 the National Organization for Women to press for women’s rights. It grew from seven hundred members in 1967 to forty thousand in 1974, with other women’s organizations addressing the problem as well. NOW’s goals were laws against discrimination, equal pay for equal work, and measures such as maternal leave and affordable daycare. The movement concentrated on gender and family questions, includ-ing the right to divorce, legalized abortion, the needs of single parents, and protection from rape and physical violence. The women’s movement of the 1970s won new rights for women, but it began to diffuse in the 1980s and early 1990s. Homosexual men and lesbian women pressed their own demands, while the physically disabled promoted their interests.

3.
a. Marriage is permitted when the elements of maintenance and progression are implied. Men experience change and progress and only after they are tired do they find a home. Women take care of his home and children in the evening. A married woman benefits from a traditional marriage by that she has a stable life in which the problems of the past avoid the menaces of tomorrow. Women are allowed to make her home her own, find social jus-tification, and provide herself with an occupation in domestic work. The household chores she does is the denial of life. Woman’s work gives her no autonomy, is not directly useful to society, and produces nothing.

b. Beauvoir believes that marriage should be a combining of two whole, independent exis-tences. The couple should not be regarded as a unit but rather each individual should be integrated in society where each could flourish without aid.

c. After World War II, women were not treated as true equals to men. There was sex discrim-ination, unequal pay for equal work, the glass ceiling, and women were not allowed certain women actions like divorcing and abortion. Basically, though women had the right to vote, they had few real gains in the twentieth century, supporting what Beauvoir says.

Cold War 2

1. Building on the Russian unity that World War II created, many Soviet people hoped that they would receive greater freedom and democracy. However, as early as 1944, Stalin and other leading mem-bers of the Communist party were moving the Soviet Union back to rigid dictatorship and focusing their attack to capitalists. Stalin used the United States for reestablishing a harsh dictatorship, with many returning soldiers and ordinary citizens being purged. Stalin also purged culture and art of its Western nature and attacked the Soviet Jews. He reasserted the Communist party’s complete control of the government and his mastery of the party. Five-year plans were reintroduced to reconstruct destroyed industry. Stalin’s prime postwar goal was to export the Stalinist system to the countries of eastern Europe. He had done so by 1948 thanks to the Red Army and the Russian secret police. There were constant ideological indoctrination, attacks on religion, and lack of civil liberties. Industry was nationalized, and the middle class lost its possessions. There was forced industrialization and collectivization of agriculture. Josip Broz Tito, the leader of Communist Yugoslavia, resisted Soviet domination successfully, as he broke away from Stalin in 1948 and was able to get away with it because there was no Russian army in Yugoslavia. This caused Stalin to reenact the show trials of the 1930s and to purge other rebellious leaders. When Stalin died in 1953, there was widespread fear and hatred of Stalin’s political terrorism. The power of the secret police was diminished, and many of the forced-labor camps were closed. Agriculture was poor, and shortages of consumer goods were discouraging hard work and initiative. Stalin’s foreign policy had also created a strong Western al-liance, isolating the Soviet Union. The Communist party was split on how much to change to preserve the system. Conservatives wanted as few changes as possible, while reformers, who were led by Nikita Khrushchev, argued for major innovations. He emerged as the new ruler in 1955. He launched an attack on Stalin and his crimes at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 to strengthen his own position and that of his fellow Communist reformers. He denounced Stalin for torturing and murdering thousands of loyal Communists, trusting Hitler, and glorifying himself. In de-Stalinization, the Communist party maintained its monopoly on political power but also brought in new members. Some resources were shifted from heavy industry and military toward consumer goods and agricul-ture, and Stalinist controls over workers were relaxed. In de-Stalinization, poet Boris Pasternak fi-nished his novel Doctor Zhivago in 1956. It was a literary masterpiece and a challenge to commun-ism, as it tells the story of a prerevolutionary intellectual who rejects the violence and brutality of the revolution of 1917 and the Stalinist years. Despite being destroyed, he triumphs because of his humanity and Christian spirit. In 1962, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s One Day in the Life of Ivan Deniso-vich portrays life in a Stalinist concentration camp and is an indictment of the Stalinist past.

2. Khrushchev’s de-Stalinization of Soviet foreign policy stressed peaceful coexistence with capitalism and great wars were not inevitable. In 1955, he agreed to Austrian independence after ten years of Allied occupation. His policies, however, stimulated rebelliousness in the eastern European satellites. As communist reformers and the masses sought much greater liberty and national independence, Poland received a new government with greater autonomy after extensive rioting broke out. Led by students and workers, the people of Budapest, Hungary installed a liberal communist reformer as their new leader in October 1956, forcing Soviet troops to leave the country. The new government then promised free elections and renounced Hungary’s military alliance with Moscow, causing Rus-sian leaders to order an invasion and crush the national and democratic revolution. After the United States did not get involved, most people in eastern Europe concluded that their only hope was to strive for small domestic gains while obeying Soviet foreign policies. With increased opposition to Khrushchev starting in late 1962, he was killed in 1964 and replaced by Leonid Brezhnev and a period of stagnation and limited re-Stalinization. De-Stalinization was not only denouncing Stalin but his fol-lowers, as well as creating a threat to the dictatorial authority of the party and producing growing criticism of the entire communist system. Khrushchev's foreign policies were also to blame. In 1958, he ordered the Western allies to evacuate West Berlin within six months, but when the allies reaf-firmed their unity in West Berlin, Khrushchev backed down. As relations with communist China be-gan to break down in 1961, Khrushchev ordered the East Germans to build a wall between East and West Berlin, sealing off West Berlin in violation of existing access agreements between all countries. Seeing a change to change the balance of military power, Khrushchev ordered missiles with nuclear warhead installed in Fidel Castro’s communist Cuba in 1962. U.S. President John F. Kennedy estab-lished a naval blockade of Cuba, and after a diplomatic crisis, Khrushchev agreed to remove the So-viet missiles in return for American pledges not to disturb Castro’s regime. When Brezhnev came to power in 1964, he talked of Stalin’s good points and ignored his crimes, signaling the end to liberali-zation. Soviet leaders launched a massive arms buildup but avoided direct confrontation with the United States.

3. With increased liberalization and more consumer goods in eastern Europe, there was greater na-tional autonomy in Poland, Romania, and Czechoslovakia. In January 1968, the reform elements in the Czechoslovak Communist party gained a majority and voted out the long-time Stalinist leader in favor of Alexander Dubček, whose new government launched many reforms. He was a dedicated Communist who believed that they could reconcile genuine socialism with personal freedom and in-ternal party democracy. Local decision making by trade unions, managers, and consumers replaced bureaucratic planning, and censorship was relaxed. The determination of the Czech reformers to build a humane socialism frightened conservative Communists. These fears were strong in Poland and East Germany, and in the Soviet Union, leaders feared that a liberalized Czechoslovakia would become neutral or ally with the west. The Soviet-controlled countries intimidated Czech leaders, and in August 1968, 500,000 Russian and allied eastern European troops occupied Czechoslovakia. The Czechs surrendered peacefully, the reform program was abandoned, and the attempt to humanize communism was ended. After the invasion, Brezhnev declared the Brezhnev Doctrine, saying that the Soviet Union and its allies had the right to intervene in any socialist country whenever they saw the need. The invasion demonstrated the determination of the ruling elite to maintain the status quo in the Soviet countries, as well as led to further repression.

4. Tito and Stalin’s breakup is similar to the start of the Cold War. Tito was like the United States by supporting autonomy for eastern European nations and by defending his homeland against invaders. Stalin became dissatisfied and suspicious of both and eventually waged war on both. Tito’s indepen-dent communism remained strictly Stalinist at first, as he imprisoned opponents and proclaimed its Marxist-Leninist orthodox. He approved the introduction of workers’ self-management in Yugoslavia, which loosened the state’s hold on the economy and was trumpeted internationally as a radical step toward genuine communism. Tito’s one-party dictatorship then allowed greater personal freedom and presented would-be communist reformers in eastern Europe with an intriguing model. His mod-el became influential in world politics. He also defended his homeland against the Soviet Union. He supported national autonomy over Cold War alliances.

1. Science and technical developments became profitable after World War II because pure theoretical science and practical technology were effectively joined together on a massive scale. Science be-came important in the war, as leading university students worked on top-secret projects to help their governments and British scientists developed radar and stimulated the development of jet aircraft and electronic computers. The atomic bomb showed the world the great power and the heavy moral responsibilities of modern science and its great technology. Directed research inspired Big Science, in which theoretical work was combined with sophisticated engineering in a large organization. It could attack very difficult problems, but cost a lot. Between 1945 and 1965, spending on scientific research and development in the United States grew five times as fast as the national income. This was because science was not demobilized after the war and remained a critical part of every major military establishment and defense. New weapons like rockets, nuclear submarines, and spy satellites were as important as the radar and the atomic bomb. After 1945, about 25% of all men and women trained in science and engineering were employed to make weapons. In 1957, the So-viets used long-range rockets developed in their nuclear weapons program to put a satellite in orbit, and in 1961, they sent the world’s first cosmonaut into space. President Kennedy responded to this by establishing a space program and land on the moon. With pure science, applied technology, and $5 billion a year, the Apollo Program landed on the moon in 1969 and had four more by 1972. The rapid expansion of government-financed research in the United States attracted many of Europe’s best scientists in the 1950s and 1960s, creating a brain drain in Europe. However, Europe did use science to create the Concorde supersonic passenger airline and the utilize atomic energy peacefully. There were about four times as many scientists in Europe and North America in 1975 than in 1945. Because of its growth, there was a high degree of specialization that increased the rates at which ba-sic knowledge was acquired and practical applications were made. Highly specialized modern scien-tists and technologists had to work as members of a team, changing their work and lifestyle. A large portion of work went on in large bureaucratic organization. Modern science also became highly competitive, as evident in the quest to discover DNA.

2. With great economic growth came a more mobile and democratic European society where old class barriers were relaxes and class distinctions became unclear. In the 1800s and early 1900s, the model for the middle class had been the independent, self-employed individual who owned a business or practiced a liberal profession, with ownership of property and strong family ties being the keys to wealth and standing. After 1945, a new breed of managers and experts replaced traditional property owners as the leaders of the middle class. The ability to serve the needs of a big organization re-placed inherited property and family connections in determining an individual’s social position. The middle class also grew greatly and became harder to define. Rapid industrial and technological ex-pansion had created in large corporations and government agencies a powerful demand for technol-ogists and managers. The old middle class lost control of many family-owned businesses and many small businesses passed out of existence as their former owners joined salaried jobs. Top managers and ranking civil servants became the model for a new middle class of salaried specialists, who were well paid and highly trained. These experts came from all social classes. They were primarily con-cerned with efficiency and practical solutions to problems. These people passed on the opportunity for advanced education to their children, but only rarely could they pass on the positions they had attained. The new middle class was more open, democratic, and insecure. The structure of the lower classes became more flexible and open, as many people left rural areas and factories and headed to white-collar and service jobs. European government reduced class tensions with a series of social se-curity reforms. Many were increased unemployment benefits and more extensive old-age pensions while other were national health systems directed by the state. Family allowances were introduced to help parents raise their children. Maternity grants were made and inexpensive public housing was constructed as well. Reform promoted greater equality because they were expensive and were paid for in part by higher taxes on the rich. The rising standard of living and the spread of standardized consumer goods blurred class lines. Cars became available to all classes and all countries, as they were democratized and cheap. Western people bought many new consumer goods, which was fi-nanced by installment purchasing. The most important leisure-time development was mass travel and tourism, as month-long paid vacations and automobile ownerships provided ample time.

3. With economic prosperity and more democratic class structure, the youth born after World War II developed a distinctive an international youth culture. This culture became increasingly oppositional in the 1960s, reviving leftist thought to create a counterculture that rebelled against parents, author-ity figures, and the status quo. In the 1950s, there was some rebellious, as with Elvis Presley, James Dean, and the beatniks with Jack Kerouac. These people centered themselves in certain urban areas, where they developed a subculture that blended radical politics, personal experimentation, and new artistic styles. Rock music tied this international subculture together. It grew out of the black music culture of rhythm and blues which country and western parts. Bill Hailey and Elvis Presley were pop-ular in the 1950s, but the Beatles and Bob Dylan came to dominate the 1960s. These people became angry at the complacency of the 1950s and the injustices of racism and imperialism. Sexual behavior changed, as more young people engaged in sexual intercourse and earlier. There was a growing ten-dency of young unmarried people to live together in a separate household on a semipermanent ba-sis, with little thought of getting married or having children. Mass communications and youth travel linked countries and continents together. The postwar baby boom meant that young people became a quite large part of the population and could exercise great influence on society. Postwar prosperity and greater equality gave young people more purchasing power than ever before, allowing them to set their own trends and mass fads. Common patterns of consumption and behavior supported ge-nerational loyalty. Prosperity meant that good jobs were available, and there was little fear of abuse in the workplace. Student protesters embraced romanticism and revolutionary idealism, so when the Vietnam War came, more and more students criticized it as trying to subjugate a heroic people. Stu-dent protests in western Europe showed more general problems of youth, education, and a society of specialists. Whereas 22% of Americans went to some form of higher education in 1950, only 3 to 4% of western European youth were doing so, but then enrollments rose greatly. By 1960, three times as many students were going to some kind of university as had attended before the war, and the number rose until the 1970s. European universities gave more scholarships and opened their doors to more students from the lower middle and lower classes. Classes were overcrowded, there was little contact with professors, competition for grades was intense, and many people though that they were not getting important education. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, European university students challenged their university administrations and their governments, with the most famous being in France in 1968. Students occupied buildings and took over the University of Paris, leading to violent clashes with police. Most students demanded changes in the curriculum and a real voice in running the university, with some linking the attack on French universities to New Left critiques of capitalism and appealing to France’s industrial workers for help. They responded enthusiastically, and a general strike spread across France in May 1968. President de Gaulle moved troops toward Paris and called for new elections. The masses of France were frightened of a student-sparked upheaval and fearful that a successful revolution could lead to an eventual communist takeover, so they voted overwhelmingly for de Gaulle’s’ party and a return to law and order. Workers went back to work, though the mini-revolution caused de Gaulle to resign within a year.